'Pedagogy of Insurrection: From Resurrection to Revolution'
Zane C. Wubbena
Critical pedagogy, in a strikingly similar manner to the religious tradition of Christianity, has come to reflect the internalization of dominant, elite ideology where capitalism goes uncontested for a feel-good sense of human progress. But, as Rancière (1991) tells us, "progress is the pedagogical fiction built into the fiction of society as a whole" (p. 118). We might then ask ourselves: why do so many people commonsensically and with such steadfast conviction, unquestionably wedge their support for elite leadership, characterized by religious beliefs, policies, and discourses, while these contradict or running counter to their own political economic and cultural interests? It is here that Peter McLaren's (2015) Pedagogy of Insurrection: From Resurrection to Revolution makes its contribution. McLaren's book is a mammoth text of interpretative possibility, where readers will find themselves juggling new interpretations and insights that make way for connections that extend well beyond the book's cover. The book comprises a foreword by E. San Juan and a preface by Michael Peters, along with an introduction, 12 chapters, and an afterword by Lilia Monzó. In this respect, the aim of this brief review is to be selective while also maintaining the integrity of the book. For those unfamiliar or just coming into revolutionary critical pedagogy, McLaren has served as a pedagogical guidepost for this tradition, providing direction but never prescription, for the transformation of our social order toward socialism and then communism. Thus, critical pedagogy is always political and, further, always grounded in a critique of capitalism. For McLaren, the transformation of the social order is not temporal, or at some future moment, but rather the possibilities for transformation are within a dialectic of the present conditions of capitalism. From the dialectic come praxis, reflection and action, for the purpose of revolutionary transformation. Revolutionary scholar-activists often trace their knowledge of the ontological present to Marx's critique of political economy. It is this understanding of the ontological present that provides the impetus for a negation of capital leading to socialist transformation and..
Latin America, neo-imperialism, and Palestine
Dr. Guillaume Long
Latin American solidarity with Palestine has a long history, particularly on the political left. This is not something new. What is new is that the political left is suddenly in power in a number of countries in Latin America, whereas it wasn't for most of the history of the Cold War. Cuba obviously was the precursor in - I would say - south-south relations in general, not just relations with Palestine, from a Latin American perspective. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s Cuba had a foreign policy that was that of a giant, including military intervention and a number of extra-continental scenarios in Africa. In fact, in the case of the Middle East, Cuba participated in the Yom Kippur war in 1973 on the Syrian side and Cuba led the way for the Latin American left, for many years, on its position on Palestine. Nicaragua then played an important role in the 1980s also with a strong internationalist position. We are here today with the Bolivian ambassador who proudly explained to you all what Bolivia has done. It's been one of the most radical countries in opposing what we've called the Israeli genocide in Gaza. We are the proud heirs of this left-wing, Latin American, internationalist south-south tradition of standing by Palestine. Conversely, Israel has played a very conservative, pro-status quo in Latin America since the birth of the Israeli state. So there's a direct correlation there. If you look at the role of Israel in Latin America, particularly in the 1980s, which is when it really gets involved, it was basically doing the dirty work that the Americans really didn't want to do. Specifically in Colombia, they were very strong in Colombia in the army and training the paramilitary forces and we're talking really bad paramilitary forces - drug cartels involved in genocide and killing anything not just the guerrilla forces, killing anybody that they suspected of remotely progressive ideas. People like Yair Klein are very well documented now and Isaac Shoshani. The Mossad basically were very heavily involved in arming paramilitary groups in Colombia. Paramilitary groups are still a part of the problem today; in fact they are one of the major hurdles to reaching sustainable peace in Colombia..
My High School Sweetheart
Violently In Love and In the Closet
I have openly and authentically shared so much of my life, but there's one major part of my life that I haven't shared. This experience has hurt me, changed me, and molded me. This shameful experience has helped me evolve and mature. I hit her. We were 15 and 16 years old, and we were in love. After being together for almost a year, I found out that she cheated on me, lied to me, and humiliated me. I gave her the benefit of the doubt, and I listened. She convinced me that she would never do it again and that she would change. Then it happened again, and she was cheating consistently. I lashed out. I was immature, depressed, angry and closeted. I responded to emotional abuse with physical abuse. At 15 years old, I was in a cyclical, abusive, same-sex relationship. "As an adult, I now know that retaliating with violence was not a resolution. In fact, our relationship became more complex." It didn't start out this way. We were inseparable and passionate about each other. We were in love, but neither of us was out to our families. To the public, we were "best friends." When we met, neither of us disclosed our sexual orientation. Our conversations were harmless, but after a month and a half (very long in teenage years), Loyal sent me a text message, asking (in her way) my sexual orientation. I chuckled and thought, Okay, so now we're going to address this undeniable crush we have on each other. Reluctant to disclose my attraction, I dodged the question. I wasn't sure why Loyal was asking, and I didn't want to lose her friendship. I finally gained the courage to tell her I was into girls, because I thought she was too. She dropped the boyfriend bomb, and I was reluctant to continue our friendship. She finally told me she felt the same way I did, but she had never dated a girl before. She was nervous, had a boyfriend, but the flirty texts continued, and our AOL Instant Message statuses were cute, subliminal quotes and song lyrics.
Retracing Toledo's Radical History
It is not difficult to sense the alienation and demoralization that impinges upon so many people as they drive through the streets of Toledo, Ohio. These are streets that were constructed to be driven on and nothing else. Unlike many of the cities in Europe, or even some in the United States, it is not a walkable city. The haphazard urban planning, or lack thereof, and the complete lack of any public transit system, with the exception of TARTA buses and private cabs, combine to make Toledo more than inhospitable to those without their own private vehicle. Those who can afford it have spent the past five decades fleeing to outlying suburbs, and those who cannot remain trapped within the confines of a "Little Detroit" which, after the 1970s, has witnessed the gutting of its manufacturing base. Since 2000, Toledo area poverty has risen faster than any other U.S. city. In Toledo, isolation is the rule rather than the anomaly. While the Occupy Wall Street movement rocked the United States in 2011, Toledo's Occupy Wall Street was anemic and enervated. Responses exist but they are individual, small-scale, and incapable of drawing the numbers that such dire conditions warrant. Aside from a few key activists and organizers, most individuals, even those who have lived here their whole lives, have taken the state of things for granted, or at least feel powerless to change them. No mass movement exists, in spite of the abject conditions, that people can plug themselves into. Toledo, as someone recently put it, is "a hard place to love if you didn't grow up here." This has not always been the case, however. Toledo was once a center for economic activity, a hub of material exchange through which goods and labor moved rapidly. More importantly, however, Toledo has a long and radical history, one that has often been hidden away by the quotidian drudgery and daily grind of life. From the 1934 Auto-Lite Strike to the Black Panther Party..